Tuesday, March 6, 2007

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In a memorable article, but not one of a kind, "JB and SM McKinlay in 1977 questioned the contribution of medical interventions in lowering mortality rates in the United States since 1900.34 They concluded that , at most, 3.5 percent of the decline (between 1900 and 1973) could be attributed to medical interventions and presented data that showed that in the case of many infectious diseases (say, tuberculosis, typhoid, measles and scarlet fever), medical interventions were implemented for many decades after that to stabilize a marked decrease in mortality related.
Other previous studies by the McKinley (and other articles will follow) that show that medical interventions had a minimal impact on the reduction of mortality (if we focus on Europe). Although in 1977 the claim that medical interventions had little impact on the decline in mortality rates was considered "modern heresy", the data before and after the McKinleys to prove the point so convincingly that by 2003 the theory of minimal impact and is considered "conventional wisdom" .35 This does not mean it was accepted with enthusiasm or be shared outside of small circles, but it had strong statistical anchors. In general, studies suggest that declines in mortality should be attributed more accurately, to improvements in nutrition and improved hygiene reduced exposure to the agents. almost thirty years ago, the McKinlays understand the profound implications of accepting or rejecting the thesis that the contribution was minimal care to Declines in death rates: If one subscribes to the view that slowly but surely we are eliminating one disease after another due to medical interventions, then there is little commitment to social change and even resistance to rearrange some of the priorities of medical expenses ... If it can be shown convincingly, and based on common ground accepted that most of the declines in mortality unrelated to the activities of medical care, then you can propel a commitment to social change and reorder priorities. 36
's no surprise that the impact of medicine is a contentious issue. Within academic circles connected with the industry begin to surface who challenge the theory of minimal impact. In late 2003, Dr. Frank Lichtenberg, an economist at Columbia Business School in New York, gave a lecture at the center of medical progress of the Manhattan Institute. The institute "makes the intellect into influence" and the center's mission is "to articulate the importance of medical progress, the connection between the institutions of free trade and the possibility that medical progress is available throughout the world" .37
Lichtenberg
reported a study which compared the launch of new drugs and disease-level data in 52 countries between 1982 and 2001 and found that "new drugs increase the longevity of the average person [who suffered from diseases for which designed the new drug] in the order of three weeks per year" .38 The findings made him conclude that the increase in longevity which he attributed to new drugs was well worth the investment they make in society. More recently (March 2006), Lichtenberg collected data on the effect of introducing new laboratory procedures and other medical innovations in the United States between 1990 and 2003. Concluded that "conditions that involve major innovations in the laboratory and outpatient medications produced large increases in age at death, "which supported their hypothesis that" the more medical innovation related to a medical condition, the greater the improvement in the average health of people with this condition "39 (This assumes, of course, that the average person has access to innovation.)
Should we conclude from previous studies and the recent work of Lichtenberg that medical interventions began to have an impact on improving health, only in the last two decades twentieth century? If so, how do we explain the sudden change? Far more than an academic exercise to determine precisely what we get from investing in new medical interventions should have a major impact on public policy as we help set spending priorities, including priorities for research and technological development. The U.S. National Institutes of Health, for example, must decide how to divide the best over 28 billion dollars annually in taxes. But how to ensure that planners have access to data and analysis as selfless as possible. For example, Lichtenberg has among its sources of funding to pharmaceutical giants like Pfizer and Merck and has consulted the National Pharmaceutical Council.40 Can be served, naively, to the interests of the medical industry? Planners and general lasociedad must find ways to achieve a full understanding of the historical impacts of medical technologies, and potential impacts of the technologies under development.

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